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The Power of Charisma
And How to Use It in Your
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Most Recent Haitian Events

President Préval's chance to govern

NEW CABINET A PROMISING SIGN OF CHANGED POLITICS

Haitian President René Préval's new cabinet is a heartening sign of a break with the winner-take-all tradition of Haitian politics. In one of his first significant moves, he has named members of five opposition parties to work with him. That's a positive effort to unify a nation splintered by warring political factions for far too long. The multi-party cabinet and Mr. Préval's 25-year development plan provide a measure of hope for a nation that has been on the brink of anarchy. But the true test will come as they set about the task of governing.

For the greater good

That's particularly the case for five former ministers brought back into office by Mr. Préval, including Prime Minister JacquesEdouard Alexis, and opposition cabinet members. Their job is to look out for the greater good, not just for a political party or other narrow interest. Now is their chance to show that Haiti can be set on the road to an independent, prosperous, well-functioning and inclusive democracy.

The new government needs to focus on improving Haiti's security, economy and governance. Those are tough challenges best conquered with cooperation among all players in Haitian society. Such inclusive government has been virtually absent in Haiti's history. The rule of dictatorships gave way to democratically elected governments in 1990. Yet even then, political payback and violence led to increasing misery.

Mr. Préval's government would be wise to try to heal social rifts created by decades of class warfare. Up per- and middle-class people who may not have voted for Mr. Préval still have a stake in improving Haiti's future. The government should engage the business community and groups representing the poor in the hard work of rebuilding.

One way to signal a fresh start -- both at home and to the international community -- is for the Préval government to address the issue of thousands of prisoners who have not been convicted of crimes. Among them is former Prime Minister Yvon Neptune, widely considered a political prisoner because of his ties to former President Jean-Bertrand Aristide. Panels of Haitian and international jurists could be convened to review each case and determine its merits.

Support and investment

In this way, Mr. Préval can demonstrate the importance of judicial fairness and an impartial rule of law -- regardless of the politics involved in any given case. It will also be an antidote to corrupt judicial practices.

President Préval has the opportunity to set the tone for a new Haitian way, one of inclusiveness, political debate and compromise and respect for divergent views. Not only would such an approach encourage international support and foreign investment, but it would also lay a foundation for a stable democracy.

PAP NEWS

Haitian Movie Premiere On The Big Screen

SAT. JUNE 10, 2006 7PM The New York Premiere On the Big Screen of the New Haitian movie PROFONDS REGRETS It’s the story of Dario (Mora Jr. Etienne) who came to Miami to find the love of his life Winodia (Fabienne Colas). Winodia had to face hardship when she was kicked out of her house by her Mother who didn’t approve of her relationships  In her moment of despair she met the evil Vayoline (Clerdine Augustin) who tried to hook her up with the pimp Tchuko (Ronsard St-Cyr).

Dario found out and left Winodia  Meanwhile, Dario met the lovely Lia (Nice Simon) who died of a heart ailment while Winodia’s life took a sharp turn after having won 40 million dollars in the Florida lottery. Find out that she was already engaged to the guy who sold her the winning ticket.

Cast:
Mora Etienne Jr. Nice Simon Fabienne Colas Ronsard St Cyr Clerdine Augustin Nerlin St Fleur Jeff Belizaire Lise Tassy Ronald Azor Kettia E. Dorcelian Isaac Antoine Joyce F. Joseph

Director: Mora Etienne Jr.
Producer: Mora Etienne Jr.
Composer: Abner G.
Senario / Story: Mora Etienne

Suzan B. Anthony Auditorium
88-15 182 St. & Hillside Ave, Jamaica, NY

View Map

$10 in Adv.

718-404-1256, 516-784-1385

FOR OTHER UPC0MING MOVIES SHOWING -
GO TO


http://rockmasters.com/movies

For all Haitian
Entertainment Events, the one place to visit is:

www.RockMasters.com

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Between the lines of Mr Jacobs’ article about the skulls found in Haiti

Mr. Jacobs,

I really do not know who you are nor your age but, I would be delighted to introduce myself.

My name is Ronald DERENONCOURT, also known as Aboudja and I'm 52 years old. Actually, I am the emperor (just a rank) of a well respected Haitian Vodou Lakou (not voodoo) called Soukri where the Kongo tradition prevails. This only one place represents at least over 1000 lives just in the Artibonite, one of the 10 departments of Haiti. I can also assure you that one would be very foolish not to acknowledge the existence of thousands of these temples all over the country.

Since 1989, I've been shooting news as a cameraman for most of the international networks and news agencies, including the newly born APTV (Associated Press Television).

Mr Jacobs, my letter to you addresses your article published by Associated Press on March 27th, 2006 about the speculations concerning the so called "human skulls" found in Petion Ville and at Canape Vert.

Mr. Jacobs, first, let's have a little chat about Haitian history.

In the early 60's, the funeral of Clément Jumelle, a main Duvalier’s opponent, was disrupted and the body stolen in broad daylight.

In 1964, Duvalier declared himself president for life and his unconstitutional Black and Red flag was blessed by a catholic priest, Dorelien, in charge of the parish of St Charles, in Carrefour.

In the late 60's, Luckner B. Cambronne, a sinister minister of the notorious dictator Francois Duvalier also known as Papa Doc, was using his company Hemo Caribbean to sell Haitian blood abroad and also delivering Haitian corpses for $800 each to foreign universities. Nobody, even you, had a reaction then. Maybe you were not born yet or maybe you were not a journalist yet or maybe Haiti was not providing any or enough cash for journalists then.

Mr. Jacobs, do your job as a good journalist and you will find out that Cambronne was associated with an individual from a family and, recently, one of them ran for president of Haiti.

In 1962, it was public knowledge that an individual was caught selling human flesh to some well established hotels of Petion Ville. Was he a vodouist? No, just another hideous criminal.

In 1986, after the fall of Jean Claude Duvalier, Baby Doc, hundreds of vodouists were brutally killed by other religious groups accusing vodou of collaborating with the Duvalier regime while some teachers, students, priests who carried guns under their robes, pastors, journalists, militaries, doctors and many more professionals did actually snitch for the so called "Duvalier's revolution",

In 1989, protestant "Crusades" organized at the Stadium Sylvio Cator deliberately preached violence asking their followers to burn the "vodou'' drums even though the 1987 Constitution clearly stipulates that Vodou in Haiti is a legitimate religion. Therefore, they were violating the law and, up to today, many continue to do so.

Mr. Jacobs, in a country where it is common knowledge that many pastors sell the donations sent to their poor followers for huge profits,

Mr. Jacobs, in a country where our traditional temples and the historical site of the "Bois Caiman", the basis of our independence, have been trespassed and violated by some irresponsible religious businessmen of God,

Mr. Jacobs, in a country where babies have mysteriously vanished from the maternity ward of the General Hospital to never be found or heard of again,

Mr. Jacobs, in a country where people are accused of practicing witchcraft by crushing a baby in the National Palace without the slightest proof or evidence, because the supposed "witness" strangely disappeared,

Mr. Jacobs, in a country where you know people are killed for their beliefs or no reason at all, I find it hard to believe that the origin of those skulls is really hard to determine. Why? Because I do not think that they belong to the young militants of Carrefour Feuille that were assassinated during the military 'coup d'etat' of 1991. Because I do not think that they belong to the victims of the Hurricane Jeanne 2004 floodwaters. I may sound very confident, but this is due to the fact that whoever dropped these skulls made a terrible and evident mistake of leaving behind a cardboard box with hand writing in English saying that the skulls were prepared for medical research. Radio Tele Ginen has that footage. Please, get in touch with them.

On the other hand, is Cambronne back in business? I doubt it.

Mr Jacobs, you wrote: "Authorities may have to call in experts from outside the country to determine the age of the skulls, which were to be turned over to Haiti's national police, U.N. civilian police spokesman Marc Jacquet said."

If I understand correctly, no experts were available as of March 27th 2006 and your journalism is sloppy since you didn't even mention all the known information such as the labels on the skulls.

Mr Jacobs, you wrote: "Haitian police spokesman Frantz Lerebours said a preliminary review of the 17 skulls ruled out bullets as the cause of death".

As a responsible of a Vodou Lakou, I cannot follow that way of thinking because if somebody is shot in the heart, he consequently will not survive and his skull will not reveal any bullet wound. Therefore, please explain how the conclusion to exclude that possibility has been reached by someone who is not a licensed forensic expert or a medical examiner? That quote is irrelevant.

For sure, you must have realized that these two statements are contradictory.

All the vodouists that I represent are clear on one thing: if the investigation implicates one or many vodou priests or priestesses or brings forward any substantial proof of any or several vodou initiates' involvement, they should be arrested, judged and condemned according to the laws of Haiti; if the investigation points somewhere else, however, the results should be made public with apologies, as civilized people do. Pope John Paul the Second did not feel diminished when he apologized to the black people of the entire world for the catholic church's wrong doings during slavery.

Mr Jacobs, you wrote: "Human skulls are symbolically important in Voodoo and are believed by some to evoke or ward off evil spirits".

If you were an expert on religions, you should have been less vague and more accurate to write that "human skulls and bones are symbolically important in Vodou and many faiths including the Free Masons, the Catholic Church and others". If you do not believe this, feel free to join the Free Masons, visit the catacombs under the Vatican or start digging under the altars of Jesus.

Mr Jacobs, you wrote: "Last month, a Haitian woman was arrested at an airport in Fort Lauderdale, Fla., for smuggling a human skull in her luggage".

Please, don't insult my intelligence. How can anybody "smuggle" a regular human skull in a luggage and expect it not to be discovered? Or, was it a shrunk head from the Amazonian rain forest like the ones shown on the Scifi Channel TV show "Ripley's: Believe it or not"?

Also, this approach is, finally, racist, since it links clearly unrelated events to the cultural beliefs of the Haitian people. Are all Muslims terrorists because of 9/11/2001. The president of the United States of America and the Commission who investigated that matter do not think so.

Mr. Jacobs, I do not know if you believe in God. I strongly do. Mr. O.J. Simpson gloves did not fit and it was controversial; however, the cardboard box left on the Petionville scene fits the crime and it is absolutely obvious.

There are many other subjects that would require your expertise. For example, why don't you investigate the legitimacy of some unsupervised orphanages that are somehow selling children to foreigners under the cover of adoption or using them as bait to make dirty money? When the donators are absent, these children, in many places, are treated like animals but when their Christian sponsors are visiting, they are well dressed and well fed. Although I would not go as far as some people who claim that these kids are gathered for their human organs in view of transplants, which may be just allegations, but.... who knows?

Mr Jacobs, this appears to have perhaps been the scoop of your life. But please, get off our backs, because you are now falling in the gossip column. Our culture and traditions are wiser than your appetite for sensationalism. Your article falls like a coconut on the head of an elephant.

I hope I'll meet you one day to discuss this matter face to face.


Respectfully,

Ronald DERENONCOURT (Aboudja)

Haiti: The Most Expensive Elections To Date May Yield Little Benefit

New York, November 21, 2005 -- Haiti is lurching towards national elections that may cost the impoverished country as much as $100 million. "These elections may be the most expensive Haitian vote to date," says Jocelyn McCalla, Executive Director of the National Coalition for Haitian Rights (NCHR), "but conditions for stable democratic progress barely exist. Consequently, electoral democracy may not trigger the functional democracy that Haitians yearn for."

In a report released today entitled Haiti: Lurching Towards 2006, the NCHR notes that Haiti suffers from several important institutional deficiencies that hamper the establishment of a rights-respecting regime. These include a small, corrupt and unwieldy police force whose effective size remains a relative mystery since it collapsed before rebel advances in 2004. Corruption, abuse and maladministration are the defining features of the Haitian legal and penal system. "In Haiti, justice is for sale," says Mr. McCalla, "they just don't bother putting up the 'for sale' sign."

"It's great that the international community has poured so much money into Haiti's elections. This should be seen however as a down payment. Bringing Haiti back from the brink of state collapse will require more than an electoral exercise. Political and socio-economic stability will be achieved only if the state institutions that anchor a modern democratic nation get substantial and substantive investment."

According to the NCHR, this means significantly reforming, strengthening and expanding the police force and the judiciary. But even then these institutions will remain years away from being able to fulfill responsibly and independently their mission. Therefore the UN presence in Haiti should be extended for several more years, and adjusted yearly in accordance with verifiable progress towards the establishment of the rule of law. Haiti and the UN should share equal responsibility for state failure or progress. In addition to investing substantively in infrastructure, health and education, Haiti must tap the Haitian Diaspora's wealth of skills and resources for public sector reforms and economic development. Finally Haiti's northern and Caribbean neighbors should adopt and implement temporary migration measures that give Haiti the time and space needed to provide a decent and sustaining environment for all Haitians.

The eight-page report is available as an Acrobat Reader file at www.nchr.org

Please bear in mind that influencing US policy towards Haitian refugees and immigrants, building social, economic and political capacity among Haitians, and promoting meaningful human rights policies and praxis is not easy. But it's eminently possible if you step forward together with us, support our campaigns and we keep marching in lockstep.

To invest in NCHR, please consider donating online now. For instructions on how to do so, please visit NCHR:

Thank you in advance for your generosity,

Jocelyn McCalla
Executive Director
-------------------------------

The movement for a non-violent, rights-respecting and prosperous Haiti takes off with the inclusion of friends, relatives and associates who, like you, care about the well-being of their next door neighbor. Please click on the link below to tell them about the National Coalition for Haitian Rights and urge them to
join the movement.

HAITI ELECTIONS - An analysis

HAITI ELECTIONS - AN ANALYSIS
In Haiti, they have just passed another major hurdle with the publication of the final list of qualified presidential candidates (below.)

The registration of electors has also come to an end. To date -- if one is to believe the electoral board -- the authorities have registered 3.3 – 3.5 million voters, representing approximately 73 -- 78% of the electorate. They are expected to vote in 809 voting centers incorporating 10 bureaus each. The number of voting centers was set for the purpose of providing security for the process and not driven by the need to provide easy access. Assuming 50% participation and polling places open 10 hours, each bureau will process 216 voters on voting day and devote 2.78 minutes to each. When considers that the voter will be choosing a presidential candidate and parliamentary candidates the time for processing him or her is rather tight.

The registered voters have begun to receive for the first time in Haiti's electoral history an ID card -- with photo and fingerprint? -- free of charge that will serve as an all-purpose ID card. This explains why people have registered in such large numbers: it is perhaps their way of affirming their sense of citizenship and acquiring the means giving them easier access to the meager services the state offers.

There is much controversy regarding the card itself, namely that the Mexican company hired to fabricate them will not be able to deliver them all in time for the elections (whose final calendar is yet to be published!); that some of the cards are defective as they include the wrong pictures; that they do not display the correct number for the polling places where the bearers are supposed to vote, etc. To date, 150,000 may have been distributed in the greatest of disorder.

Regarding the parties, 47 were accepted and 18 rejected. To be accepted a party had to present, among other things, a list of 5,000 voters and pay a fee.

We have 35 presidential candidates, including 2 former presidents (Manigat and Préval), 3 former prime ministers (Bazin, Chérestal and Préval), a number of former senators and cabinet members, a businessman (Baker), two protestant ministers (Jeune and Mésadieu), 3 former army officers (Rébu, Romain and Toussaint) and one lone woman, Judie Roy, a well-known political activist.

Why so many candidates? Not discounting entirely the powerful -- and unhealthy -- attraction the office of president has on the psyche of so many in Haiti's political class, the main reason has to do with the intent of the "lesser" candidates to be in the limelight: this way, they will be remembered when the time comes to distribute cabinet posts, directorships and ambassadorships.

In my opinion, the main candidates in alphabetical order and their parties are as follows (this is pure speculation on my part as I have no polling data that would help me sort this out, but I have my hunches):

1. Charles BAKER (Independent backed by KOMBA and MPP)

2. Marc BAZIN (MIDH and the Feuillé/Heriveaux faction of Fanmi Lavalas)

3. Paul DENIS (OPL)

4. Hubert De RONCERAY (GFCD)

5. Serge GILLES (FUSION)

6. Gérard GOURGUE (MUP)

7. Leslie MANIGAT (RDNP)

8. Luc MESADIEU (MOCHRENA)

9. Evans PAUL (Alliance Démocratique)

10. René PREVAL (ESPOIR coalition, including parties and groups formerly allied with Fanmi Lavalas)

11. Dany TOUSSAINT (MODEREH, an offshoot of Fanmi Lavalas)

I see each individual in that group with the potential of pulling in more than 100,000 votes. I do not see anyone with the potential to win an absolute majority in the first round.

Many, among them Paul Denis, Evans Paul, René Préval and Dany Toussaint who belonged to the broad Lavalas coalition that brought Aristide to power in 1991, are still involved. They no longer belong, however, to one coalition.

Fanmi Lavalas itself is divided. A faction is supporting René Préval, another is backing Marc Bazin, the greatest funambulist on the Haitian political scene of the last 15 years having served JC Duvalier as minister of finance, General Cédras as prime minister, Préval as a special adviser, and Aristide as minister of planning. In the words of Father Massac, a Fanmi Lavalas partisan, he has "morphed himself into an authentic representative (sic) of the toiling masses."

Given the opportunity, Fanmi Lavalas would probably have selected Fr. Jean-Juste, who is in jail, to be its presidential candidate. The jailing of Fr. Jean-Juste was a calculated political move to keep him out of the electoral fray and divide Fanmi Lavalas.

Parties and groups formerly affiliated with Aristide -- ESCANP, KOREGA, PLB, and KOZEPEP -- are backing Préval. MPP and its offshoot, KOMBA, are supporting Baker.

MODEREH is also an offshoot of Fanmi Lavalas whose leaders, Dany Toussaint and Prince Sonson Pierre, formerly Fanmi Lavalas senators, broke with Aristide in 2003 and actively worked to overthrow him when it became clear his days were numbered.

Can one speak of any of these candidates being driven by ideology? Although 10 to 15 years ago, one could discern the ideological inclinations of the major parties, today not much remains of all that: there are too many strange alliances – Baker and MPP/KOMBA, Bazin and Lavalas, Gourgue and General Avril, Préval and Mouvman Peyizan Milo -- and too many promises have been broken for the electorate to take their ideological claims seriously. The well-known maxim seems to drive these alliances of today: the enemy of my enemy today is my friend notwithstanding the real differences we may have had in the past. In addition, few of these parties or coalitions have taken the trouble to spell out their vision and plans for the country. Typically, they have done so in elaborate reports written in elegant French, thereby betraying their typical inclination to ignore the majority that has been historically marginalized. Notwithstanding this shortcoming, it must be stressed that Fusion, MIDH, OPL, RDNP and especially the Groupe des 184 (behind Baker) have made a special effort to articulate their vision and plans for the country and distribute them widely.

It is possible to look at the list of the 11 more important candidates and project the four or five likely to make it to the second round:

- Bazin, Préval and Toussaint are trying, in Haitian parlance, to eat from the same Lavalas plate and in my view Préval is likely to attract the largest share of this electorate because of the networks he has created as PM and president.

- Denis, Gilles and Paul are appealing to the same electorate and I give the edge to Denis because of OPL’s superior organization and implantation in the country.

- Gourgue and Manigat are probably attractive to the same sectors with Manigat having the edge because of greater coherence, superior organization and a longer record of political involvement.

- Baker is sui generis and has a good chance to be one of the finalists because of the backing of the Groupe des 184.

- Likewise, Mésadieu is sui generis and has a good chance because of the backing of the fundamentalist/evangelical protestant networks, both locally and in the US.

To date, I have not been able to get any information on the candidates for parliament, city councils and communal administrations. The composition of parliament will determine the selection of the prime minister whose job it is to run the country day to day. The local administrations will play a key role in the process to decentralize the country, a key, to date unrealized feature of the 1987 constitution.

Max Blanchet
November 15, 2005

Amending the Constitution: The Haitian Congress

The Haitian constitution should be amended to reflect the needs of the Haitian Diaspora.

Which branch of the government that has the authority to amend the constitution?
The Congress

What we need to do?
We need to support open-minded Deputés and Senators who may be willing to amend the constitution and remove or make changes in these two articles below. We
need to start from the source. Also, some modification shall be made on ARTICLE 284-2. There is no need to wait for the inauguration of the next president.

Remember that each Deputé or Senator is accountable to his/her constituent. Politic is politic and understanding the political culture du milieu is very important. We need to use Diplomacy and support project in various constituents where we likely find some cool Senators and Deputés who may want to remove these two articles. We need to give them a reason to do so.

At this particular moment, I urge the Diaspora to cool down, observe and support. We need to understand that various folks back home are going to lose power and
they may be reluctant to take that route. The Diaspora needs to be very prudent and since there are different ways to speak and make yourself understood, I think we need to start building libraries, assisting schools, providing cantines, building dispensaires, creating jobs, buying homemade goods and so on. In doing so, we will play an active role in the mother country and in exchange they will remove articles 13 and 15. Remember in everything there is a R.O.I.; We need to give them a reason …


Article 13
Haitian nationality is lost by:

a) Naturalization in a foreign country;

b) Holding a political post in the service of a
foreign country;

c) Continuous residence abroad of a naturalized
Haitian without duly granted authorization by a
competent official. Anyone who loses his nationality
in this manner may not reacquire it.


ARTICLE 15:
Dual Haitian and foreign nationality is in no case permitted.

-----------------
AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION

ARTICLE 282:
On the recommendation, with reasons given to support it, of one of the two (2) Houses or of the Executive Branch, the Legislature may declare that the
Constitution should be amended.

ARTICLE 282-1:
This declaration must be supported by two-thirds (2/3) of each of the two (2) Houses. It may be made only in the course of the last Regular Session of the
Legislative period and shall be published immediately throughout the territory.

ARTICLE 283:
At the first session of the following legislature period, the Houses shall meet in a National Assembly and decide on the proposed amendment.

ARTICLE 284:
The National Assembly may not sit or deliberate on the amendment unless at least two-thirds (2/3) of the members of each of the two (2) Houses are present.


ARTICLE 284-1:
No decision of the National Assembly may be taken without a majority of two-thirds (2/3) of the votes cast.

ARTICLE 284-2:
The amendment passed may enter into effect only after installation of the next elected President. In no case may the President under the Government that approved the amendment benefit from any advantages deriving therefrom.

ARTICLE 284-3:
General elections to amend the Constitution by referendum are strictly forbidden.

ARTICLE 284-4:
No amendment to the Constitution may affect the democratic and republican nature of the State.

By Senou

Haiti: Headed Down The Path Towards An Electoral Farce

COHA Opinion
Haiti: Headed Down The Path Towards An Electoral Farce

On September 30, 2005, the “International Day of Solidarity With Haitian People” was celebrated in 44 cities and 16 countries with the theme being “Stop The War Against the People of Haiti.” This worldwide manifestation marked the anniversary of the first coup that ousted President Jean-Bertrand Aristide in 1991. Equally important, the street actions were aimed at bringing awareness to the current series of crises today bedeviling Haiti, as well as to damn the international community’s woefully inadequate response to its dire situation.

In addition, the demonstrations were meant to stop the relentless gunning down of innocent Haitians by UN peacekeepers, to draw attention to the feckless UN political presence on the island. In addition, the protesters denounced the abhorrent behavior of the violent and corrupt Haitian national police and the paramilitaries under its control. Meanwhile, there is the urgent need to free Father Gerard Jean-Juste and former Prime Minister Yvon Neptune, as well as hundreds of other political prisoners still being forcibly detained, some of whom have been held in jail under inhumane conditions for more than a year.

The worldwide demonstrations were also meant to denounce Haiti’s bizarrely inept as well as completely unconstitutional interim government’s caricature of democratic standards.

Acting under no legitimate authority whatsoever, the U.S.-installed interim Haitian government led by Gerard Latortue outlawed all demonstrations until last October 2nd. The government claimed that the measure was needed to calm down the public and to better maintain security for the elections (scheduled for November 20th), but this action had as little legal basis in Haiti as would be the case in the U.S. under similar circumstances.

According to the 1987 Haitian Constitution, the right to assemble in public is guaranteed by the constitution, and requires only reasonable notification to the police. Of course, the Haitian organizers of the Port au Prince public protest would almost certainly have complied with the law by providing such notice. Interestingly, one would assume that the interim government would see that it would be in its own self-interest to uphold the values that Washington was calling for in the Middle East in its democratization efforts there.

After all, suppressing freedom of expression anywhere would be likely to create greater social unrest, considering that the Haitians have no other lawful recourse to voice their concerns about their future and the country’s current social malaise.

More on this analysis prepared by COHA Research - The Council on Hemispheric Affairs